Money earned from illegal sources is deposited in banks which later invested in share to make it white and ultimately that money used to strengthen illegal business. The vicious circle of money laundering has emerged to cheat revenue and wash black money to white.

The scale of money laundering in Nepal is unknown. Some are of the opinion that given the informal nature of the economy, predomination of cash transactions, open border with India, unstable political situation and rampant existence of predicate offenses like corruption, bribery, smuggling, human and drug trafficking, use of counterfeit currency, and of late, extortion, looting and arms trading all have combined to make Nepal a fertile ground for money laundering.


Live Example: We all know that there is shortage of Indian Currency in Nepali market and even in Bank too. People are going India day to day for many purposes. Such as for marketting, for treatment, for higher studies, etc. They handed Nepalese currency to Nepalese money launder and take Indian currency from Indian money launder.
If this is happening publicly then imagine about gold, drugs and other valuable smugling from India and abroad and in this how much black money invested or earned? Birgunj, Biratnagar, Nepalgunj and Kathmandu are the major cities where exchange business of money is running publicly.

Banks should follow certain customer identification procedure for opening of accounts and monitoring transactions to stop the money laundering process.
Administration should stop the exchange business of money which is running publicly.

And the most important thing, our government should make policy to bring black money home from abroad. There is no certain data to me to show how much black money is in abroad but it will certainly helps in our country development.

But for this our officers have to be brave and honest likes SP Ramesh Kharel and Minister Lalbabu Pandit.

Voice of #ekawaaj

Agreement between the GoN and Samyukta Loktantrik Madheshi Morcha

Respecting the sentiments and aspirations of the Madheshi people of Nepal, expressed
during the protests and movements that they have organized time and again for equal
rights, this Agreement was signed between the Government of Nepal and the Samyukta
Loktrantik Madheshi Morcha [United Democratic Madheshi Front] to ensure the
establishment of federal democratic republic in Nepal for multiparty democratic system
of governance, to guarantee equality, freedom and justice for all, and to end all forms of
discrimination. This Agreement shall be implemented at once. The points of the
agreement are as follows:

1. The State shall declare those killed during the Madhesh Movement as martyrs, and
shall provide appropriate compensation to those maimed and yet to receive
compensation. Similarly, arrangements shall be made for those injured during the
Movement to receive medical expenses and those martyred shall be given due
recognition and their families shall be provided with relief at the rate of Rs 1 million,
and those arrested shall be immediately released.

2. Nepal shall become a federal democratic republic by accepting people’s aspiration for
a federal structure with autonomous regions, including the Madheshi people’s
aspiration for an autonomous Madhesh state. In the federal structure, power between
the Centre and the states shall be divided clearly according to a list. The states shall
be fully autonomous and shall enjoy full rights. The structure, full details of the lists
of the Centre and the states and the division of power between them shall be
determined by the Constituent Assembly, keeping Nepal’s sovereignty and integrity
intact.

3. The existing legal provision of 20 per cent in Sub-section 14 of Section 7 of the
Election of Members to the Constituent Assembly Act 2064 shall be changed to 30
per cent.

4. The Government shall execute appointments, promotions and nominations in a
manner that ensures inclusive and proportional participation of Madheshi people,
Adivasi, Jananati, women, Dalits, backward regions and minority communities in all
state bodies, including the security bodies.

5. Proportional, inclusive group entry of Madheshi people and other communities into
the Nepal Army shall be ensured to impart national character to Nepal Army and to
make it more inclusive.

6. The Government of Nepal and the United Democratic Madhesi Front together request
all armed groups agitating in the Terai to begin negotiations for a peaceful political
process and to find solutions to all outstanding problems through dialogue. The
Government of Nepal shall take necessary steps to create an environment conducive
to this purpose. We appeal everyone to help conduct the Constituent Assembly
election on April 10 in an environment which is peaceful, non-violent, impartial, fair
and free of fear.

7. The Government of Nepal shall immediately release all those who have been
detained, withdraw cases filed against Madheshi leaders and party cadres of the
Forum as well as of other parties, and immediately implement all other points of the
22-Point Agreement signed between the Government of Nepal and the Madheshi
Janadhikar Forum on August 30, 2007.

8. All protest programmes called by the United Democratic Madhesi Forum shall be
immediately withdrawn.

The Government of Nepal shall be responsible for the constitutional, legal, political and
administrative aspects of the issues mentioned in this Agreement. The Government shall
form a high-level monitoring committee, comprising, among others, members of the
Front, to monitor the implementation of this agreement.

Signatories to the Agreement:
Sd. Sd.
Rajendra Mahato Girija Prasad Koirala
National Chairperson Prime Minister
Sadbhavana Party Government of Nepal

Sd.
Upendra Yadav
Central Coordinator
Madheshi Janadhikar Forum, Nepal

Sd.
Mahanath Thakur
Chairperson
Terai Madhesh Loktrantik Party

 (February 28, 2008)

Nepali Version

Overview

Madheshi Dalits have been suffered from several social, economic and political oppressions and discriminations. Caste based discrimination originated from Varna System is one of the major institution extremely prevalent in the Madheshi society construct. Caste system infringing with economic disparity has led to the structural inequality in Madheshi Dalits and non-Dalits. In line with this context this research report is based on a survey study and in-depth interview conducted in Siraha district, a highly Dalits populated and origin point of Chamar (Carcass Removal) and Madhesh Movement from the Eastern Tarai region of Nepal. The study reveals that 39 percent Madheshi Dalits are landless and 48 percent of them have found marginal land possession below 1 Katta in totality. The research also reveals that more than 39 percent Madheshi Dalits are continuing Haruwa-Charuwa system, a semi-slavery bonded labor. Due to such kind of feudalistic and customary labour system, Madheshi Dalits are compelled to face the labour exploitation, wage labour discriminations, market discriminations along with various social discriminations.

This research argues that the situation of exploitations and discrimination are regulated by various local age long feudal social institutions like Haruwa, Charuwa, Kodarwa system, Land Mortgage System, Share cropping, etc. which exhibit more negative relationship. It is also because of structural constraints in land holding pattern (class), existing caste system, and gender disparity. Mostly, these institutions have been found as discriminatory and exploitative to the land poor by giving them unfair wage, debt burden, and treating them inhumanly like semi-slavery and social discrimination.


The research also clarifies that the Madheshi Dalits are still living as second class citizens within own country and facing multi-dimensional exploitations such as semi-slavery Haruwa-Charuwa system a bonded labor, caste based discrimination along with the discrimination in education, health, employment etc. The children of them are compelled to follow the forceful labour in the landlord’s house at the age of going to school. Overcoming all the above-mentioned barriers, some of the Madheshi Dalits are struggling to get rid of all these problems and searching for the new way of emancipation.

Research Questions

The research on “Structural Inequality between Madheshi Dalits and Non-Dalits”, by Ranjit Kumar Kanaujiya which was submitted to Social Inclusion Research Fund (SIRF)/SNV-Nepal carried out with an aim to answer the broader questions related to structural inequality between Madhesi Dalits and non-Dalits. The research will explore the answer of this broad question by taking the following research questions:

• Why and how Madhesi Dalits are relatively excluded from the access to the valued goods and services in society?
• How so called upper caste of Madhesi monopolize in the Madhesi society in term of economic activities?
• How the economic condition, low wages, labor market and any forms of bounded labor in Madhesi Dalits contribute to social exclusion/inclusion?

Various studies have shown that among the women who become victims of violence, the number of Dalit women exceed the number of others. The nongovernment organisation named Saathi
has made it public that the Dalit women are victims of torture and physical and mental violence including rape. According to the study of this organization, among the victims of rape, the possibility of Dalits is 21 percent where as that of Brahmin Chhetri women is just 6 percent.
Similarly, the study conducted by New Era, the percentage of Dalit women sold in India is 26.9 percent where as that of indigenous women is 42.2 percent. Leader of the Dalit community Min Biswokarma is of the opinion that poverty and illiteracy are major reasons responsible for the increasing violence against Dalit women. False temptation of employment and fake marriages are also responsible for their maltreatment.

Related Links

K Yhome, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, #2228, 2 March 2007

The recent turmoil in Madhes (or the Terai plains bordering India) was a stark reflection of the challenges confronting the restructuring process in Nepal. It was also a reminder to the current interim government that the problems in Nepal are not yet over and that there are serious socio-economic and political issues that need to be addressed.

The Madhesi uprising in January was marked by bans, protests, and violence in some major areas of Nepal's terai resulting in the death of over thirty people. This has in several ways changed the interim government's approach to and the management of Nepal's political restructuring and peace process. It has also raised many questions. Why was the violence so potent? Who was responsible? How will it affect the restructuring process? And so on.



These questions are palpable in the context of Nepal's fragile political restructuring process that is underway. While exploring answers to these questions, however, there is a proclivity to misinterpret the Madhesi issue. Some (mis)conceptions that have come about in the wake of the uprising are not only erroneous but also dangerous.

The Madhesi issue is not a communal issue. It is not one of Madhesis ("people of the plains") vs Pahadis ("people of the hills") as some tend to view it. This misinterpretation of the Madhesi issue commits a serious mistake by making it a community-based issue that could have grave implications for the country. To view the issue as a problem between Madhesis and Pahadis reveals a poor understanding of Nepal's complex society.

While one may have some facts supporting such an argument, it fails to explain the real issue of the Madhesis. There were also reports that certain "forces" (implicating the "Royal agents" and the "right wing" elements in India) of allegedly instigating the Terai riots to create trouble for the interim government in a bid to salvage the "monarchy" in Nepal. Hard evidence to ascertain the involvement of these forces is difficult to unearth, but many in Nepal point fingers at these forces as being responsible for the violence.

Whatever the motive of those behind the terai violence, many ordinary Madhesis have lost their lives. Madhesis out on the streets at the risk of their lives were there for a different reason. For them it was a fight for a genuine object - the Madhesi cause.

The Madhesi issue did not suddenly emerge in January 2007. A long history of a sense of discrimination is at the root of the Madhesi struggle. To explain the recent uprising it is necessary to understand the issue from the correct perspective. The issue relates to a movement against the state's "discriminatory" politics. It is a fight for recognition of rights - political, cultural as well as economic - and a struggle for equal representation and opportunity. This forms the core ingredient of the Madhesi issue.

For over five decades, the Madhesis have been waging a movement against "discriminatory" laws of citizenship and language, as well as recruitment policies to the armed forces and bureaucracy. The struggle can be traced back to 1951 when a party called the Nepal Terai Congress was formed under the leadership of Vedananda Jha to advocate "regional autonomy" for the Madhesis.

Again, in 1983, Gajendra Narayan Singh established an organization called Nepal Sadbhavana Council with the aim of combat discrimination against the Madhesis. In the post-1990 era, the organization turned into a political party called Nepal Sadbhavana Party and in the general elections of 1991, 1994, and 1999, the party's manifesto called for a federal system of government, a liberal policy on citizenship and a separate Madhesi battalion in the army.

Despite the long struggle, however, the Madhesi issue has not been resolved partly on account of Nepal's five-decade history of being under autocratic rule - 1960 to 1990 and 2002 to 2006 - where political activities were restricted. Even during the short-lived democratic experiments in Nepal - 1950 to 1960 and 1991 to 2002 - the issue remained unresolved because of the lack of political will on the part of the successive governments.

The failure of the movement is also partly because of the internal divisions within the Madhesi leadership. The Sadbhavana Party has seen frequent infighting and splits that have further weakened the movement. It is in this context and in light of the predicaments mentioned that the Madhesi uprising of January needs to be understood.

The resolution of the Madhesi issue depends on how the interim parliament drafts a new constitution taking into account the various socio-political issues of the country. Should it fail to ensure the aspirations of the people, the recent outburst of violence in the terai will only be an indication of more chaos to follow.

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The Madhesi Issues in the New Constitution

A workshop on the Madhesi Issues in the New Constitution was held from 21-23 December 2010 at Godavari Village Resort with two major objectives; to discuss on the agendas of Madhesh among the Madhesi CA members representing different political parties and other stakeholders and to identify common agenda of Madhesh that needs to be addressed in the new Constitution. The Workshop was jointly organized by Centre for Constitutional Dialogue, Madhesi CA Caucus and Madhesi NGO Federation. A total of 53 participants (19 CA members including the Committee Chairs, senior political leaders from eight political parties) participate the workshop.

Issues Discussed

A total of four thematic papers were presented by the expert of Madhesi communities

1. Federal Structure and Issues of Tarai/Madhesh - by Surendra Mahato
2. Issues of Inclusiveness, Representation, Identity and Access of Marginalized Madhesi People in the Thematic Committee Reports - by Chandra Kishore Jha
3. Issue of Language in the New Constitution and Ways to Address – by Gopal Thakur
4. Expectations of Terai/Madhesi People from New Constitution, Achievement as of Now and Futures Probabilities - by Kausalendra Mishra

After the presentation by the presenter, extensive discussion was held on each of the above mentioned issues. The discussion revealed following points:

· The history of Nepal has recognized Madhesh as a separate unit through different legislations as administrative unit. Therefore, the demand for separate identity Madhesh province is legitimate demand.

· The Madhesh has an expectation to have strong Madhesh Pradesh with right to self- determination.

· The Madhesi people are discriminated, disrespected and treated as national of other state by the ruling class. In the past the identity card (Rahadani) was made compulsorily for the Madhesi people to enter to Kathmandu valley.

· The proposed special structure is not clear and may be detrimental to the strong Madhesh province.

· The autonomous regions and special structure should not be too stronger than the province. There should be balance of power among them.

· Madhesh should address the issues of discrimination and exploitation against Madhesi Dalit, Janajati and other minority groups living in Madhesh.

· Madhesh and Madhesi want to assert that they are the part and parcel of integrated Nepal and this is an opportunity to integrate the spirit of Madhesi people in the national mainstream.

· The parties to the constitutional negotiation need to accept the concerns of each other to resolve the issues of Madhesh. Only reliable and common agendas of the Madhesi people will help Madhesis in Constitutional negotiation.

· Madhesi Leader should not be of dual character. They should come together to discuss on the agendas of Madhesh and not concentrate themselves on the struggle for power sharing at this moment.

· Madhesh revolution has raised the issues of identity, representation, access, ownership over natural resources and federalism. All these attributes need to be addressed in the new Constitution.

· Madhesh has been gradually loosing decision making power. Madhesi people are more progressive than the Madhesi leaders.

· Internal democracy, intra party discussion, inter party discussion requires to be strengthened.

· Madhesi people demands Hindi as language of communication, but it should not be at the const of mother tongues like Maithili, Bhojpuri etc. therefore it should be listed as language of communication.

· All the mother tongue or national language should be treated equally by the state.

The workshop acknowledges the issues of Madhesis in the thematic committee reports

· Recognition of Madhesh Movement in the proposed preamble

· Federalism with identity of Madhesh province

· Proportional representation (reflected in CA)

· Proposed for Madhesi Commission

· Recognition of all language spoken in Nepal as national language

· Proposed for National Language Commission

· Decreasing trend of discrimination to Madhesi people (in practice)

· Right to self-determination for Madhesi community.

Conclusion and way forward

· The workshop has to further narrow down and identify the common agendas of Madhesi community.

· Madhesi CA Caucus should play a vital role in uniting all Madhesi CA members of all parties and also collaborate with all the underprivileged groups –Dalit, Janajati, Tharu, Muslim etc who occupy major area of Madesh.

· Articulate common agendas of Madhesh for constitutional negotiation and only reliable agenda should be agreed as bottom line. Common agendas should be agreed on the basis of what has been achieved. We should analyze the present situation, discuss and agree on possible common agendas of Madesh.

· The Madhesi CA Caucus should play a role to break the silence or distances among Madhesis and non Madhesi parties through its regular interactions and interventions on the issues of their concern.

· It is a time for tough bargaining for the Constitutional negotiation for the Madhesi issues. The negotiation should be across the party line. Hence, based on our three days discussion, now Madhesi parties and CAs should come together with one voice on the following concrete issues for constitutional negotiation.

1. Electoral system

2. Forms of the governance

3. Address the diversity and discrimination within the Madhesh (what will be the position of other communities residing in Madhesh like Tharus, Dalits, Janagatis, and Muslims etc).There is need to have regular dialogue with these communities while addressing the Madhesi issues in the new Constitution.

4. Shape of Madhesh Province (one or two or other units). We may review our past stand on the basis of the reality and learning's.

5. Language and

6. Power sharing between Madhesh and the Centre.

It is the need of the day to focus the future programme on the above mentioned issues and continue our discussion by narrowing down the contentious issues on the constitution. It's equally important to raise stronger voice in the constitutional negotiation then only we can achieve and see our agenda reflected in the new Constitution and for this continued support from UNDP is vital.

External Links

• Ten major issues of Madhesh which should must be address by Constitution
  In Nepali (on this blog)
  Facebook Version
• Hachhethu, Krishna (2007). "Madheshi Nationalism and Restructuring the Nepali State". seminar "Constitutionalism and Diversity in Nepal", organizd by Centre for Nepal and Asia Studies, Trubhuvan University. Kathmandu, Nepal. Retrieved November 23, 2012.

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